How much does it cost to build a web app? $33,659. Read the original version of this article about web app development cost on Django Stars blog. This conversation is unlikely to happen but a price could be close to that sum. Important message: one doesn’t simply estimate all the costs with 100% accuracy. But I’m going to help you get as close as possible.So you decided to create a web app . Regardless how many technical details or promoting ideas you have about your product, you first need to understand expenses.Web app cost estimation is something very few know how to approach. Partly, because clients tend to demand to hear an accurate number, like $17,659, while a development team is constantly trying to explain why it’s more tricky than that.In this article, I will explain why cost estimation isn’t that plain, the obstacles you’re going to face during the process, and how to approach the cost estimation so you don’t fool yourself and your client. Python & Django Development Services You don’t estimate the lines of code, you estimate a product When I’m talking about web app development, I mean the development of the whole product, not just some lines of code. It comprises development itself, solution architecture, communication, testing, quality assurance and anything which a project requires. And, oh, somebody has to manage this process. So you got my point.Apart from the development process, there are other reasons why estimates must also cover other parts of the product development: Budget planning. I already briefly described this point: think, analyze, create, test. Plus, there are always different sorts...
Testing WEB APIs is a challenge, and it has a dependency on various third-party tools for proper and efficient testing. But swagger can make it easy. is an UI representation of your RESTful API. Swagger UI allows anyone — be it your development team or your end consumers — to visualize and interact with the API’s resources having none of the implementation logic in place. It’s automatically generated from your Swagger specification, with the visual documentation, making it easy for back-end implementation and client-side consumption. Earlier, I about adding swagger with ASP.NET Core but it no longer works with due to . In this post, we’ll see how to add Swagger to ASP.NET Core 2.0 Web API. Add Swagger to ASP.NET Core 2.0 Web API Create a ASP.NET Core 2.0 WEB API project and install Swashbuckle.AspNetCore nuget package. Swashbuckle comprises three packages – a Swagger generator, middleware to expose the generated Swagger as JSON endpoints and middleware to expose a swagger-ui that’s powered by those endpoints. They can be installed together, via the Swashbuckle.AspNetCore meta-package. Like: PM > Install-Package Swashbuckle.AspNetCore The default template has ValuesContoller with API action method for all HTTP verbs. We’ll use the same for this post for showing Swagger UI. Open Startup.cs file to add swagger service to middleware. Like: And enable the Swagger UI in Configure() method. This is all required to set up Swagger. The one last thing to do is to change the application launch URL so that Swagger UI loads on launch. To set Swagger UI as launch URL, right-click on Project -> select properties -> navigate to debug tab. On...
Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro (left), here with Environment Minister Ricardo Salles, had attacked the validity of satellite data showing deforestation in Brazil has increased since he took office. Brazilian institute head fired after clashing with nation’s president over deforestation data By Herton EscobarAug. 4, 2019 , 8:45 AM The director of the Brazilian agency that monitors deforestation was sacked Friday, following a public face-off with Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro. Physicist Ricardo Galvãoannounced his ownousting as director ofNational Institute for Space Research (INPE) to reporters in the capital Brasília, saying his altercation with the president had made the situation “unsustainable.” No replacement has been announced. Known for his stout personality, Galvãochallenged Bolsonaro on 20 July, rebutting remarks about deforestation the president had made the day before. Questioned by journalists about the rise of deforestation in the Amazon—as indicated by satellite data from INPE’s Real-Time Deforestation Detection System (DETER)—Bolsonaro called the institute’s data “a lie,” and said Galvãoappeared to be “at the service of some nongovernmental organization.” Galvãoreplied by calling Bolsonaro a “coward”, defended INPE science, and dared Bolsonaro to repeat the accusation to his face. Bolsonaro didn’t meet with Galvãoand continued to question INPE data in the following 2 weeks, even as deforestation continued. According to the latest DETER numbers, approximately 4500 square kilometers of forest were cleared in the first 7 months of this year, since the beginning of Bolsonaro’s administration–60% more than in the same period of 2018. Scientists and environmentalists were alarmed but not surprised—many had predicted deforestation would increase because of Bolsonaro’s aggressive pro-development, anti-conservation political agenda. Most of the increase that DETER noted came in June and July, when the drier climate makes it easier to destroy the...
Editor’s Note: This is the third article in a series on Sino-Russian defense cooperation organized by the Center for a New American Security. Be sure to read to the first and second articles in the series. Beijing and Moscow have long wanted to control their domestic internets. Now they are working together to remake global cyberspace in their own image. The two launch widespread cyber operations that threaten U.S. interests, and they want to reshape the internet to reduce U.S. influence. Chinese hackers have mounted a long campaign to steal intellectual property, as well as military and political secrets, and are a growing threat to U.S. critical infrastructure. Russian hackers pose the threat of cyber espionage, influence operations, and attacks on the infrastructure of the United States and its allies. Moreover, China and Russia have over the past five years worked together to tighten controls on their domestic internet and promoted the idea of cyber sovereignty to diminish U.S. sway over the global governance of cyberspace. Over the next decade, China and Russia are likely to continue close technical and diplomatic cooperation. Beijing now appears more willing to adopt information operations techniques historically associated with Russian actors to shape the narrative on the responsibility for and response to the COVID-19 pandemic, but the two sides are unlikely to coordinate on offensive cyber operations. To counter these efforts, policymakers should revitalize U.S. cyber diplomacy, providing an alternative framing to cyber sovereignty and building a coalition of like-minded partners to define and enforce norms of behavior in cyberspace. Drivers of Cooperation Both Moscow and Beijing perceive the open internet as a...
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